Some stuck it out until May, but in the end the employers could and did claim victory as resistance collapsed. In defeat, the ITGWU had gained many adherents and, more significantly, had laid the foundations that led Connolly to conclude:. How deep those scars are, none will ever reveal. But the working class has lost none of its aggressiveness, none of its confidence, none of the hope in the ultimate triumph. No traitor amongst the ranks of that class has permanently gained, even materially, by his or her treachery. The trade union and labour movement was soon to become an essential and important part of the new southern Irish State but the battle was not won in , and progress since has been uneven.
Despite tremendous growth in numerical terms in the size of the trade union movement in the s, working class organisation has not been reflected in political gains. In terms of a social audit of Ireland today as compared to can we really claim to be in credit? Certainly extreme poverty has gone but things are relative to the times. We still have acute housing problems, attacks on hard-won health, education and social services and new problems of urban decay, drug abuse, vandalism and crime in the alienation of our youth.
Regrettably there is now a gathering attack on trade unionism and the essential collective value that it represents and to which the whole of Irish society owes many of its freedoms. The trade union movement fought for the whole of the working class not just the organised sectors.
The Meaning of Dublin's Great Lockout
The trade unions provided social and cultural activities for its members as well as industrial and political leadership. The Lock-Out tried to outlaw a culture counter to capitalism. It failed partly because it was so crude and ham-fisted. To honour the memory of we must begin, on an individual basis, to commit ourselves to trade union activity not just trade union membership.
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Lockout: Dublin 1913
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